House
Work and Student Work: A Study in Cross-cultural Understanding
Barbara Seidlhofer & Henry Widdowson
(Wien)
1 Introduction
The title of this volume refers to translation,
language acquisition and intercultural communication, and to living with more
than one language. In a way, our contribution has to do with all of these, but
from our particular perspective of textual pragmatics.
Textual pragmatics is, of course, a
particularly appropriate topic for this volume, and so is the text we have
taken for analysis. For it is a recent paper by Juliane House herself, entitled
“Developing pragmatic competence in English as a lingua franca”(House 2002).
What we propose to do is to consider what kind of reaction this paper gives
rise to among a group of its readers, readers in fact who are themselves
developing such a competence in the language, and to speculate a little on the
general question of how readers assign significance to texts in different ways.
Such a question, of course, involves the kinds of issue that arise in
cross-cultural pragmatics and translation. The readers whose responses we are
examining were asked to read the paper (we shall for convenience refer to as
‘developing pragmatic competence’ or ‘DPC’ in what follows) from their own
point of view as students and prospective teachers of English. They were
therefore encouraged to interpret the text, and render its significance in the
light of their own cultural assumptions. In this sense, their responses can be
taken as various translated versions of the original.
2 The pragmatics of written text
We begin with
general points about the nature of written text, and how meaning gets inscribed
in it, and derived from it. What appears on the page as a well-formed textual
product has a complex pragmatic history. Now that we have electronic means of
composition at our disposal, this history is usually effaced, leaving no trace
of the false starts, the crossings out, the scribbled inserts that in
manuscript or typescript bear witness to what T. S. Eliot refers to as “the
intolerable wrestle with words and meanings”. No doubt there are writers with
the gift of extempore eloquence who, like Shakespeare (so it is said) never
blot a line, but writing, even that which is apparently effortless in its
simplicity and eloquence, is often only achieved by strenuous wrestling. In a
letter to his publisher about his novel 1984, George Orwell made the
comment: “[...] of course the rough draft is always a ghastly mess having
little relation to the finished result.” But even after producing what appeared
to be the finished result, Orwell then made a ghastly mess of it: for on the
first page of the typescript of the novel almost every word is crossed out and
changed.
Such a survival of early drafts is
unusual, even among those who claim the status of verbal art for their writing.
Those of us who write on more mundane matters are unlikely to keep an archive
of our earlier efforts. Even in the pre-computer days when we perforce produced
records of the tortuous pragmatic process of trying to make sense for ourselves
and our supposed reader, they were not revealed. Far from it: the evidence was
suppressed as somehow incriminating, and our earlier drafts went into the paper
basket. So what readers are presented with, then and now, is a finished
article. And all those first thoughts, those points that seemed so significant
at the time and jotted down for inclusion in some appropriate place, all those
lines of thought not followed up are all edited out of the final version and are
then gone for ever. And in finalising it we impose an arbitrary closure on the
process of composition. The paper in print is one outcome of this process, and
it gives no indication of the variant papers that might have been but never saw
the light of day.
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Although what we have is the finished
article in the sense that it is a completed and well-formed text, in a
pragmatic sense it is not really finished at all. Indeed, from the reader’s
point of view, it has not even started. The text presents us with the partial
trace of a discourse made orderly for the record. But the text is in itself
inert and has to be activated by reading, whereby a discourse is derived from
it. So not only does a text have a complex pragmatic past, it has a complex
pragmatic future too. It gives rise to all kinds of interpretative reaction. No
matter how carefully the text may have been constructed to record the discourse
intentions of the writer, readers will inevitably place their own construction
upon it, changing the emphasis, making their own connections, and sometimes
indeed reading back into the text what the writer thought had been edited out
in the final version.
Looked at from this pragmatic point of
view, the meaning of a text is a function of the different reactions to it.
Naturally there will be some degree of consensus based on the common knowledge
of the language and conventions for its use, and there will generally be a
degree of convergence between what the writer means by a text and what the text
means to the reader. But writers cannot control interpretation or retain
custody over their meanings. Printed texts are public property and their
significance depends on how they are understood. Whether or not a particular
interpretation matches what the writer intended is, even if discoverable (and
writers do not always have access to their original intentions) a trivial
matter. It is what they are taken to mean, in the passive, that really counts.
Writers do not, of course, always remain passive. They frequently complain of
distortion and write indignant responses (we have done it ourselves often
enough), in an effort to restore their intended sense. But our indignation will
not prevent readers engaging in the entirely normal pragmatic process of
meaning appropriation.
Another way of looking at texts,
especially perhaps academic articles, is to think of them as interim outputs of
a more general discourse process and as such continually subject to revision.
The article that appears properly edited and corrected as a publication is a
final version only in the sense that it has been prepared for press. But it is
not therefore complete in any conceptual sense. Convention requires that it
takes on a well-formed and finished appearance. But this appearance is
deceptive: it imposes a kind of closure on the shifting, inconclusive and
fugitive nature of intellectual enquiry, it misrepresents its essential
instability. The inconclusiveness and instability then assert themselves in the
reading. If one thinks of academic articles as transitional phenomena of this
kind, it would make sense to continue the revision process beyond publication,
explicitly reformulating and developing ideas into different versions and
variants of the ‘same’ paper by taking reader reactions into critical account.
Of course, you would still need to be
selective about which reader reactions to take into account and which
particular points their interpretation focuses upon you would wish to clarify
or pursue. Nevertheless, the idea of working out one’s ideas by a process of
reactive and recurrent revision has considerable appeal. Whether Juliane House
would wish to write a variant of the paper of hers we focus on in reaction to
how it is read by this particular group of readers is another matter. But it is
worth a thought.
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3 The readers of the text
Who, then, were
these particular readers, and what were their reactions?
At the English Department of the
University of Vienna, there is a course entitled ‘EFL Methodology’ that all
students who have chosen the teacher education option (‘Lehramtsstudium’) are
required to take. These are students in their third or fourth (or nth) year of study. The courses they
have taken so far have focused on the language as such (‘Sprachübungen’ as well
as a practical phonetics course, ‘Sprechpraktikum’), linguistics (mainly
descriptive), literature, ‘Landeskunde’ and a mere two hours of practical
introduction to language teaching (‘Fachdidaktik’), spread over two semesters.
One of the present authors, BS, sometimes teaches the Methodology course, and
she regards it as a challenge to get the participants acquainted with as many
teaching-related aspects of applied linguistics as possible - a daunting task
for two hours a week over one term.
Considering
the curriculum of the ‘Lehramtsstudium’ sketched above, it is not surprising
that students have, generally speaking, imbibed the predominantly purist
normative attitude to English prevalent in the department, and have thoroughly
assimilated the notion that as far as their own proficiency is concerned, they
are expected to get as close to native-speakers as possible - with rewards
waiting for those who do well and sanctions for those who do not. Given this
background, the Methodology course as taught by BS thus comes, to put it
mildly, as a surprise to many of these students: suddenly, and in contradiction
with many of the messages they have been getting so far, some well-established
certainties are called into question, such as the native speaker of English as
the model to emulate and the a priori ‘superior’ teacher, the relevance of
‘authentic’ materials, the axiomatic primacy of communicative language
teaching, the proscription of L1 and translation in the English lesson, and so
on. And then, to top it all, students are asked to read this paper by the
infidel Juliane House, which overtly challenges such orthodox ideas, asked to
summarise and comment on her arguments, her data and analysis, and on the
significance of the pedagogical-didactic consequences she draws from her
observations for their own future teaching. The main question, then, is how
students who have on the whole been studying in a very native-speaker oriented
department for several years react to the heretical ideas put forward in DPC,
and in particular what they make of them as future teachers of English.
In
the following, we report on how we read the essays 48 of our students wrote in
the summer term 2002 in reaction to ‘Developing Pragmatic Competence’. All
students gave their permission to use extracts from their essays for
publication and to be identified by their first names when we quote from their
papers. We hope the author will enjoy this mediated insight into the reactions
of a group of readers who must surely be a particularly relevant target
audience for what she has to say.
4 Reader reactions in profile: KeyWords
But how do you
get a handle on what 48 students said in the 130 pages or so that they
produced? Well, one way is to approach the matter quantitatively and ask the
computer. The software programme Wordsmith Tools (Scott 1997) is an “integrated
suite of programs for looking at how words behave in texts” (Scott 1997
[Manual]). Among many amazing things it allows you to do with texts, it has a
tool called ‘KeyWords’. As explained in the manual,
KeyWords are those
whose frequency is unusually high in comparison with some norm [...] “key”
words are not the most frequent words [...] but the words which are most unusually frequent in [a particular
text]. Key words usually give a reasonably good clue to what the text is about.
A word which is positively key occurs
more often than would be expected by
chance in comparison with the reference corpus. A word which is negatively key occurs less often than would be expected by
chance in comparison with the reference corpus.
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In a KeyWord list
produced by Wordsmith Tools, words appear sorted according to how outstanding
their frequencies of occurrence are. Those near the top are outstandingly
frequent and thus provide clues as to what a text deals with.
Having prepared electronic text files of
both the original version of House (2002) and the discussion part of the
students’ essays, we ran the KeyWord programme over them (with the 1-million
word sampler of the British National Corpus as the bigger reference corpus) and
got the following results: For DPC, 108 positive key words were identified, and
272 for the students’ essays. What interests us here are the words that were
most ‘key’ (and thus most indicative of what the texts are about), so it
suffices to look at the first 15:
Original Version
1 ELF
2 DISCOURSE
3 ENGLISH
4 INTERACTANTS
5 PARTICIPANTS
6 SPEAKERS
7 INTERACTIONS
8 LINGUA
9 FRANCA
10 INTERACTION
11 DATA
12 LANGUAGE
13 GAMBITS
14 BEHAVIOUR
15 STUDY
|
Students’
Comments
1 ENGLISH
2 ELF
3 LANGUAGE
4 SPEAKERS
5 NATIVE
6 TEACHING
7 CULTURAL
8 PRONUNCIATION
9 LINGUA
10 FRANCA
11 HOUSE’S
12 LEARNERS
13 COMMUNICATION
14 COMMUNICATIVE
15 PRAGMATIC
|
Clearly, both
Juliane House (JH) and our students (Ss) are concerned with English as a lingua
franca (though for JH, ELF comes first and for Ss ENGLISH). But apart from this
obvious overlap, it is clear that JH is indeed primarily concerned with ELF
DISCOURSE, how INTERACTANTS as PARTICIPANTS, or SPEAKERS, in INTERACTIONS in a
LINGUA FRANCA engage in INTERACTION that provides DATA showing how they use the
LANGUAGE, e.g. in the form of GAMBITS to engage in interactional BEHAVIOUR:
very much a report on a STUDY.
Ss,
students of the LANGUAGE of which the model speakers are typically NATIVE, are
particularly concerned with TEACHING, with CULTURAL aspects and with
PRONUNCIATION. They pick up ideas about the notion of a LINGUA FRANCA from
HOUSE’S paper and discuss what these mean for LEARNERS striving for
COMMUNICATION, and which COMMUNICATIVE and PRAGMATIC aspects seem particularly
relevant to them.
Although obviously such a KeyWord analysis
can only give a very general profile of different conceptual perspectives, it
does serve as a useful indicator of what the readers made of the text: which
issues they focussed on as of significance to them. Our next step was to look
at how these issues were taken up by particular readers. What follows is a
selection of those reactions which seemed to us to be especially revealing of
the different ways in which the text of DPC can be interpreted.
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5 Reader reactions in particular
As might be
expected, given that they have been schooled to think exclusively in terms of
native speaker reference norms, many students were struck by the novelty of the
ELF idea, and the article certainly had the desired effect of raising their
awareness of its potential pedagogic significance:
‘Concerning my own attitude
towards the role of English as a lingua franca I have to admit that I have not
really thought about its meaning for language teaching before. We were always
told that we have to learn English - and nobody mentioned that we will probably
just acquire a variety of English.’ {Simone}
‘One of the effects this article
had on me and my reflections linked to being a future teacher is to raise my
awareness about English as a lingua franca in language teaching in general. Up
to now I have never really reflected upon this issue and I have now realised
its importance, since the future of language teaching will have to point in
this direction. So I learned from this text not to see English any longer as
being helpful to talk to native speakers, but especially in interactions with
non-native speakers all over the world. Of particular interest for me is to see
that this question does not have a great impact on the grammatical level of
English and teaching forms, but rather on the pragmatic level and how to
negotiate meaning.’ {Bettina}
But reactions were not confined to this kind of
dispassionate evaluation of the idea. The paper by Juliane House not only
engages the interest of its readers, but their feelings as well. There is an
affective side to their reactions. Here after all is somebody in authority
turning against the established creed and encouraging rebellion, saying that
there is no need to agonise about not conforming to norms of correctness
hitherto held sacrosanct. It is stirring stuff.
‘As far as my future career
as an English teacher is concerned House’s essay succeeds to relieve me in many
respects. I am a non-native English speaker and will, hopefully, be a
non-native English teacher; or to make it sound more positively, I will be an
ELF teacher, an expression which does not point to a deficiency right from the
start! I often have been thinking: Am I - when I become an English teacher -
second choice by nature, never ever reaching the status of a native? How hard I
will try I will never “acquire” a native speaker pronunciation, a native
speaker command of the language! And here is Juliane House saying that aiming
at these issues is misplaced, counter-productive, at least not central for ELF
teaching. What a relief!’ {Sabine1}
A cri de coeur
at being relieved of the burden of striving for parity with native speakers
which must do the author of DPC good as well! And in the recognition that the
difference of ELF does not imply deficiency, there is relief too from the sense
of inadequacy that Peter Medgyes expresses with such paradoxical eloquence:
[...] we suffer
from an inferiority complex caused by glaring defects in our knowledge of
English. We are in constant distress as we realize how little we know about the
language we are supposed to teach. (Medgyes 1994: 40)
One of the most appealing things about the proposals
in House (2002) is that they provide an escape from this constant distress and
the continual inhibiting fear of failure:
‘In my experience, teachers have
always used to strictly teach grammar and pronunciation rules. This was
conducted in a manner that pupils were afraid of raising their hands to say a
word or ask a question; but what is the use of learning a language when
everybody is afraid of pronouncing one word. In this respect, I fully agree
with House that teachers should enable and support - not direct - the students
to remain true to their personalities.’ {Teresa}
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Relief is not, however, the only feeling expressed.
There is also a sense of resentment at the kind of teaching students have been
subjected to. If the achievement of native speaker proficiency is not the
be-all and end-all, or even especially desirable, why then are students forced
persistently into trying in vain to achieve it?
‘I would strongly suggest to
present her article to those who are, at our Department of English, responsible
for the ‘terror’ of the Sprechpraktikum and the curriculum of the
“Lehramtsstudium”, in which the importance of literary studies is, to my mind,
highly overestimated.’ {Susanne}
Other reactions are not so much resentful as rueful.
‘I have to confess that being a
student at the University of Vienna, which seems to be hardly influenced by the
ELF studies in its way of looking at the teaching aims, and having gone through
the ‘Sprechpraktikum’ where I was just told that no English is acceptable than
that resembling native speakers' pronunciation (but who speaks RP over there??)
I somehow feel that I am not really made sensitive to looking at English as a
lingua franca up to now. During my studies I was always told to try to behave
as native like as possible, regarding both pronunciation and the conversational
behaviour, to be a good model for learners. Therefore British or American
Culture and Literature play an important role.’ {Angelika}
‘I personally find it
interesting that the focus in ELF teaching is not on a particular cultural and
literary profile or on a native speaker pronunciation norm, because this is
somehow the reverse thing which English students at the university of Vienna,
for example, are supposed to do. English students are drilled (in the
Sprechpraktikum) to improve their pronunciation to make it sound as native-like
as possible and English students are also supposed to focus on a particular
cultural and literary profile by being able to opt for a course focused either
on an American cultural and literary profile or a British profile. In this
sense, concerns that are not central for ELF teaching, namely teaching a
particular cultural and literary profile and a native speaker pronunciation
norm, are at the same time concerns of significant importance to a student of
English.’ {Martina2}
The students
understand, and generally take kindly to, the proposition that learning English
does not necessarily involve identifying with its native speakers by aping
their language or adopting their culture. The author’s point about the
difference between language for communication and language for identification
is well taken.
‘What I liked about Juliane
House’s article is the positive view on English as a lingua franca. For the
majority of ordinary language teachers it would probably be intolerable to
accept that speakers of English as a L2 usually do not speak the glorified
standard version of British or American English but a version that is marked by
their own speaking habits.’ {Simone}
‘Whenever I talk English I
still feel Austrian not American or Australian or Canadian. So I do not identify
with the country whose tongue I use to communicate. It is simply an
instrumentally opportune medium of communication, not a cultural symbol to
identify with. Even if the English gentleman is more polite than I am, I’m not
as polite as he is even though I use the same language […] It is important, as
House says that you remain true to your personality, your style, wit, humor and
social charm, you just should be able to transfer it into the language needed.
That is what I as a teacher should get across. The students do not learn
English for me or for understanding Shakespeare they learn it to be able to
find their way all over the world.’ {Julia3}
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‘Why should one adopt the
culture of a country because one uses its language? (What’s more, ELF is not ‘their’
English, is it?) As Juliane House states in her essay, since the language is
only used instrumentally and not as a language for identification the learners
should be empowered to remain true to their own personality. They should use
their individual discourse styles, humour and social charm. So why not stay
one’s own social persona in the medium of English language and stating, “I’m
talking English but I am still an Austrian. I speak English but not yours!”?’
{Angelika}
The
students then clearly react very favourably to the idea that learning English
does not have to be a matter of confinement to linguistic correctness or to
cultural conventions of use. Such confinement, they readily recognise, can
impede individual expression. It can also actually reduce the effectiveness of
communication. The following comments interestingly, and unwittingly, relate
what Juliane says about ELF to what Debbie Cameron says about the way
conventions are imposed on speakers to reduce communication to a set of rigid
ritualised routines (Cameron 2000).
‘As I attended a Handelsakademie
and almost had to stupidly learn business phrases by heart and was tested if I
knew them (even at the Matura) by heart and (the teacher even subtracted points
if the students did not write the phrases word by word) it is more than
relevant to support the concept of individual discourse styles and get rid of
native-like requirements in the classroom. I am convinced that it is your
personal and flexible discourse style that makes you carry out a business
matter successfully rather than formulating native-like business phrases
frequently characterised by impersonality and sterility. I am well aware that
it is essential to learn such phrases in order to acquire a conceptual frame to
be prepared for business negotiations but punishing the students with an
enormous reduction of points when having a slight grammatical or orthographical
mistake in these phrases is definitely not the right way as grammatical
perfection mainly does not influence on an effective conversation. Therefore, I
agree with House who states that ELF learners should focus on negotiation
strategies.’ {Thomas}
The view expressed here that learning the language
should involve not the adherence to a set of fixed phrases but the ability to
negotiate meaning is, of course, very much in accordance with what Juliane
House has to say.
Not all of
our readers, however, are so unreserved in their acceptance of this idea. It is
all very well to focus on the development of negotiation strategies and a
“personal and flexible discourse style”, but does this not imply a considerable
degree of linguistic competence?
‘I really go along with her
suggestion of enabling students to remain true to their personalities. Once
again, this is a very important point but what if the speakers are limited in
expressing English and at the same time do not have the main instrument - words
- to state who they are? What if you want to tell a joke but the English word
for the punch line is missing? House unfortunately does not offer solutions for
this problem.’ {Julia1}
These are questions worth pondering (and perhaps
Juliane House may want to rise to the challenge and offer solutions in a
revised variant of her paper). How far does ELF actually provide the linguistic
resource for its speakers to remain true to the personality, style, wit, humour
and social charm that would usually be expressed through the subtle nuances of
their own language? What degree of competence in ELF do speakers have to
achieve (assuming that this is measurable) for them to effectively realise its
liberating function as a means of self-expression? If you dissociate English
from the culture of its speakers, how does it get re-associated with other
cultural features which would seem to be necessary, if it is to be used for the
expression of personality?
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One
reservation, then, was that ELF might be so linguistically and culturally
reduced that it is inadequate as a resource for personal self-expression. A
number of readers expressed doubts about the notion of a culturally non-aligned
means of communication.
‘If I understood House correctly,
she calls for some sort of a-cultural language teaching - learners should
develop a certain ‘authentic’ verbal behaviour without basing it on any
particular cultural background. Moreover, they should not base it on their own
cultural background either, since the respective cultures do not play any major
role in ELF interactions, as has been proved by some of the few studies on
lingua franca interaction. (House’s study, interestingly enough, does not
correspond with this claim.) Anyway, I do not believe that a complete ban of
culture would work. […] Even though House herself admits a certain validity of
cultural studies, I feel that an important part of any language teaching might
get lost when entirely concentrating on an a-cultural pragmatic methodology.
After all, it is culture that makes a language alive. […] House calls for an
empowering of learners to remain true to their own personalities concerning linguistic
behaviour, an attitude I completely agree with. But, isn't culture a feature of
our own personality? Thus, it should be included in teaching as well.’
{Veronika}
Another good question. If ELF is deculturalized, is it not therefore
depersonalised as well?
Questions about the cultural and communicative aspects of ELF figured
prominently in the readers’ responses, as is indeed indicated in the KeyWord
profile (CULTURAL, COMMUNICATION, COMMUNICATIVE, all appear high up in the
students’ list and all are absent from the top 15 in DPC). Looking through the
readers’ reactions, two kinds of concern become apparent. One of them is that
too exclusive a focus on ELF overplays the instrumental function of language
and denies the value of its cultural significance. This, for students who have
been nourished on literature and ‘Landeskunde’ is, naturally enough, difficult
to accept.
‘For the sake of argument, I
want to liken the relationship between language and culture to that of body and
spirit. The former is a structure which is endowed with organic and dynamic
qualities by the latter.’ {Dawn}
‘Although I share Juliane
House’s opinion concerning the often exaggerated focus on literature and
pronunciation teaching (as well as on linguistic competence, which was the
starting point for CLT), I am rather critical of a radical reduction of these
elements in favor of ELF teaching. English is a means of communication for many
people from other L1-backgrounds, but it is not ONLY that. Like German, Polish
and Chinese, English is also - a very important - part of a specific culture,
or - more exactly - of a number of cultures (British, American, Canadian,
Australian, ...). We should therefore not neglect the study of the
English-speaking cultures as such - not least because learning about other
countries in the wider sense plays an important role in intercultural
understanding as well.’ {Heidi}
The second concern takes us back to the issue raised earlier about the
expression of individual personality and has to do with what communicating
actually involves. For is not the case that culture is necessarily implicated
in communication?
‘Communication is part of every
culture and therefore communication is also different in every culture.
Speakers cannot just leave their culture behind and communicate on an ELF
level, I suppose. I experienced a lot of ELF communication during my stays in
England and, looking back, I cannot say that culture was irrelevant in those
conversations. There was a difference between speakers of European languages
and speakers of Asian languages. I could not lead such “deep” conversations
with Chinese or Japanese people as I could with students from Spain or France.
The friends I made in England were all Europeans. I think culture is an
extremely important factor in life and cannot be ignored in any conversation.’
{Karoline}
‘Yet unfortunately, the problem is
a much bigger one in so far as that members of different cultures have
different ways to communicate with each other (see e.g. Mauri’s view on the outcome
of a discussion, p. 261) according to their traditions or norms. It is the fact
that cultures can be so very different which makes cross-cultural understanding
so difficult: Even if all speakers have the same tools, i.e. some sort of ELF,
they’ll probably use them differently - according to their own personalities
which are of course defined in context to their cultural background. As a
conclusion I’d therefore say that the problem of teaching a ‘universal
language’ in order to achieve some sort of ‘universal understanding’ is far
more complex. It is just not enough to provide learners’ with the same
language. One has to take into consideration different historic/cultural
backgrounds and different speakers’ mentalities as well.’ {Barbara1}
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These two sets of comments would seem to raise problematic issues
arising from the discussion of ELF in DPC which are of particular interest and
pertinence. If one accepts the usual pragmatic view that communication is a
matter not of issuing linguistic tokens but of using language to negotiate some
kind of contextual convergence between the interacting participants, and if one
accepts that contexts are necessarily informed by cultural assumptions, then it
would seem to be the case that culture must be implicated in ELF use in one way
or another. If ELF is uncoupled from the culture of native speaking
communities, then if it is to function as communication, it must be
re-connected with the assumptions that its users bring from their own cultures.
We can expect, therefore, as Barbara points out in her comments above, that ELF
communication will vary considerably depending on the cultural differences that
are to be negotiated. And this would account for the difference that Karoline
experienced in her interactions with ELF users from Asian and European
backgrounds.
It would account also,
perhaps, for some of the features of the interactions that Juliane House
identifies in her data as distinctive of ELF communication (see House 2002).
The Asian participants’ pursuit of their own agenda might be a case in point. A
number of readers note that there may be other variables at play which affect
how these interactions are conducted, and which therefore make them unreliable
as evidence of ELF pragmatic strategies as such. Some of these, it is
suggested, have to do with the methodological design of this particular study,
so that the findings may simply be a function of the way the data were
elicited.
‘I doubt whether all the
findings are due to the fact that the taped conversation was carried out in
English as a lingua franca. As House claims, the interaction was only
quasi-natural, which means that some of the findings may also be due to the
fact that the students knew that they were being recorded. It may well be that
they were that eager to pursue their own topic just because each of them wanted
to appear as ‘dominant’. Furthermore, in some instances the fact that questions
simply were not answered may also be due to the whole set-up. Since the topic
was not chosen by the subjects and maybe they did not know each other very
well, they probably just were not really interested in what was being talked
about and did not care about the others’ concerns. A natural, authentic
conversation among friends on a topic they have chosen themselves and are
really interested in, may well lead to (slightly) different results, since I
suppose that the participants would pay more attention to the other's
contributions. However, these are things you can never be sure about, and I
think the findings by House are nevertheless convincing and very relevant for
our future as teachers.’ {Karin}
Given these quite substantial reservations, it is, on the face of it,
surprising that Karin remains convinced by the findings. Such ambivalence,
which is evident in other reactions too, represents, perhaps, a necessary
transitional phase in coming to terms with new ideas. Other reactions are
rather less ambivalent, rather more severe, and the author is taken to task for
inferring too much from her data.
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‘On the other hand I have to admit
that I did not really like the part of House’s study that she presented in the
article and on which she partly based her assumptions. I do not know the
results of her other studies but as far as this particular discussion group is
concerned I do not understand how she can generalise and say that communication
in ELF is a self-centred affair, that no real interaction is going on, etc.
This simply was not a real discussion! It was a superficial situation created
by someone. I tried to put myself in those students’ place and thought: how
would I have behaved in this situation? I have come to the following
conclusion: I would have behaved similarly mainly for two reasons. First of
all, this is, as I have already said before, a rather superficial discussion.
Students are given a text on the topic and should spontaneously and, let me
say, under pressure, discuss it within about 30 minutes. Secondly, they know
that they are recorded. This important fact certainly contributes a lot to this
monologue-like discussion. If I had known that I would be recorded I would also
have tried to talk as much as possible, regardless of what I say and in what
order of the discussion. These topic changes simply occurred because they did
not want to take the risk of being silent, which is certainly not welcome in a
discussion.’ {Ingeborg}
It is interesting, and heartening, we might note in passing, that
students should be so perceptive of problems of extrapolation and the
observer’s paradox that are so familiar in empirical research of this kind.
Other readers identify other
factors that might explain what is going on in these experimental groups. The
participants might be following different agendas, for example, not because
they are using ELF but because they are just not motivated to be
conversationally co-operative. They are more concerned with relating the topic
of the discussion to their own contexts of knowledge and interest.
‘The four speaker study
different subjects and all four of them are trying to relate the theme of
English as lingua franca to their specific area. Wei studies history and is
trying demonstrate how English became the major foreign language in a context
that is familiar to him, namely the Chinese. Mauri’s field is business
administration and the only purpose she sees in leaning English as a lingua
franca is for business matters. Joy and Brit study applied linguistics. While
Joy seems to be rather shy and not talkative at all, Brit is trying to see the
problem from a linguistic perspective. Therefore she can refer to Nigerian
English, to Indian English, to the use of language for identification (Welsh,
Irish), to problems with pronunciation, etc. In other words, she is more
competent to talk about the topic, because it belongs to her special area.
House argues that the Asian students are having ‘parallel monologues’, whereas
‘Brit, the German speaker, who seeks several times, and always in vain, to lift
the discussion up onto a more ‘serious’, more analytic-critical level is the
exemption here’ (p. 257). I find this comment very inappropriate for two
reasons. First, each of the four participants (including Brit) are pulling the
string in his or her own direction. Brit is trying to lead a linguistic
conversation with a future historian and a future business administrator. They
are simply specialised in different areas than her own. Secondly, I do not see
why is Brit’s discussion of Whales language or Nigerian English more serious
that the global impact of English in Asia. When the three Asians (seriously)
discuss the latter, the only thing Brit can say is: ‘I’ve seen several Japanese
movies recently’ (p. 253). She does not want to ‘lose face’ and asks questions
about the de facto situation in Asia; as the other speakers do not want to ask
in more detail about the themes that she has mentioned. In my opinion, the main
problem here are not linking words or inability to express one’s own ideas, but
rather lack of shared knowledge. Therefore every person is trying to make some
meaning out of the topic in their own terms. I assume that the same problems
would take place if the participants with different special areas had the same
native language, but were originally from different parts of the world. I also
do not think that the solidarity and the ‘let is pass’ behaviour hides
misunderstanding, as House claims, but fear to enter another person’s special
area and preference to stay on safe territory. The conversation does not reveal
a language problem, but rather the importance of shared knowledge …’{Marija}
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The issue that is raised in these comments is a crucial one. The
interactions in which the participants are required to engage are of their
nature at a remove from the naturally occurring contexts of conversation, and
so how are these subjects to decide what role is appropriate to the occasion?
If the normal motivation for negotiating interaction is absent, then their
behaviour cannot really be interpreted as an inability to interact.
‘My first impression of the
research-data was that it seems to be very artificial. In my opinion it is not
really representative material for ELF-interaction (as would be telephone
conversations from business partners). It more or less resembles discussions of
pupils in school, where they have to “make up” an opinion about a topic that
maybe does not interest them at all. In “real-life” ELF-use people have to
communicate in English for important reasons and they often must achieve a
common aim: e.g. they have to negotiate with their business partners, etc. In
this case, both interlocutors have the same background; they work in a similar
context and therefore understand each other. It is clear for me, that in such
conversations the persons negotiating with each other show consensus-oriented
conversational behaviour because their interaction has to be successful.
Moreover, I am sure, that in a business-context it is not possible that the
interacting persons talk in monologues about different topics, as it happened
in House’s study with the students. For me it was not really a surprising
finding that in the study each student was “pursuing his/her own agenda”,
because they were taken from totally different contexts. In their discussion it
was not only a lack of pragmatic competence that led to the failure of the
interaction, but the main reason was, in my opinion, the lack of a common
context. Juliane House could have asked the four students to talk about
organizing a student’s party together in their residence, or, to talk about the
last party they had been to, etc. So they would have had a topic to talk about
that really interests or concerns all of them.’ {Katja}
The suggestion these readers are making, then, is that what the author
of DPC identifies as distinctive features of ELF pragmatics can also be
interpreted in reference to other factors that have a bearing on how
interaction is managed and communication negotiated. And these factors - of
cultural convention, personality, motivation, contextual interpretation - apply
just as much to native speaker as to non-native speaker interactions. So the
features that Juliane House identifies as typically marking ELF talk -
non-smooth turn-taking, monotopical focusing, and so - are actually, in the
view of these readers, of more general pragmatic occurrence.
‘My own experience also
showed me that conversational style did not necessarily depend on the speakers’
competence in pragmatic strategies but on their psychological willingness to
talk about a topic openly. I have noticed that many native speakers who have a
wide range of expressions to choose from, and who certainly do not lack
pragmatic knowledge, have often shown as much (or even more) inhibition to
contribute to a discussion, and that they insisted on “pursuing their agenda”,
regurgitating their topic in a monologue instead of commenting on the previous
statement. On the contrary, non-native speakers with a very restricted use of
gambits and discourse strategies can be very creative in expressing their
beliefs and opinions despite their limited pragmatic knowledge. I personally
believe that this phenomenon must be seen in a wider psychological context …’
{Christine}
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‘House’s comments on the
recorded conversation reveal some problems, e.g. participants were
self-oriented, did not use linking words, changed topics abruptly, etc. I do
not think that such behaviour is more common among ELF speakers than among
native speakers. We all know that in such open and more relaxed discussions,
where no agreement nor any concrete outcome is required, one jumps from one
topic to the next and simply ignores linking words. Further, in such
discussions people sometimes concentrate too much on what they want to say and
not on the harmony of the discussion. I happen to catch myself preparing what
to say next while the other person is still talking. Of course this is not the
right way to contribute to a co-operative discussion, but we have to accept it
as a part of our natural way of conversing with people. For this reason I do
not think that the problems of non-coherence and disharmony of the conversation
indicate language problems, but rather inability or unwillingness to have a
linear and structured discussion which would flow very smoothly from one topic
to another.’ {Marija}
Comments like these seem, paradoxically enough, to be a reaction to
what readers take as a negative representation of ELF whereby it is compared
unfavourably with native speaker use.
‘So in my opinion, one cannot say
that ELF communication is a self-centred affair that is marked by
non-smoothness and forms a contrast to interaction between English native
speakers. For my part, I think it all depends on the sort of communication you
examine. In political discussions and business negotiations in which English is
used as a lingua franca by people of various cultural backgrounds it might well
be that you find parallel monologues frequently, but nevertheless one cannot
say that the resulting non-smoothness is typical of ELF communication between
speakers of different cultural backgrounds who do not have English as their
mother tongue. More precisely, one has to bear in mind that the same
non-smoothness can also be found in interactions between native speakers, since
people are generally striving after their own agenda in political discussions
and business negotiations.’ {Andrea2}
The features of ELF that Juliane House identifies (non-smoothness,
non-coherence, absence of gambits) are indeed couched in negative terms and
sound like shortcomings: they are things the ELF speaker does not do, fails to achieve. A native
speaker norm seems to be presupposed, and readers appear to react against this
presupposition, which is, of course in direct contradiction to the explicit
message that DPC is trying to get across.
6 Conclusion
The text analysed clearly had the educationally desirable effect of
provoking critical reflection. The number and diversity of the reactions to it
bear eloquent witness to that. As one student puts it:
‘Finally, I wish to say that
authors like Juliane House and their studies are a real benefit to all teachers
and existing pedagogical theories as such. Knowing about the results of House’s
analysis, I, as a teacher, definitely would reflect on my teaching practise and
try to model some activities in class according to what I have learned from
House or other authors. As I said before, teachers find themselves in the role
of a mediator, and one must always be thankful for some (new) ideas, which one
can try out with the hope of a great(er) teaching effect.’ {Teresa}
Not all of the reactions we have recorded here will meet with the
author’s unreserved approval, of course. Some can be read as projections of the
readers’ own assumptions and cultural mind-set and as such, we might say, they
are unwarranted appropriations, meanings taken from the text that are mistaken as
far as the intentions of the author are concerned. But this itself is a
pragmatic reality which writers of texts have surely to accept and engage with.
Particularly in the case of cross-cultural communication, as between academics
and students, there is bound to be a continuing readjustment and realignment, a
continuing pragmatic process whereby ideas are clarified, modified, made
relevant. What our students did was to reformulate what the author said to make
it their own, and so in a sense translated her text in their own terms, and on their own terms. We suggested earlier that reactions to a
text might provide the stimulus for a subsequent rewriting of it in different
versions. The author might not want to follow that particular line (she has,
after all, plenty of other things to do), but we hope nevertheless that she
will find the diverse reactions her paper provoked interesting and
enlightening, and that she will take them, as we do, as both testimony and
tribute to the inspiring value of her work.
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References
Cameron, D. 2000. Good to talk? Living and working in a
communication culture. London: Sage.
House, J. 2002. Developing pragmatic competence in English as a lingua
franca. In K. Knapp & C. Meierkord. (eds), Lingua franca communication. Frankfurt a. M. et al.:
Lang.
Medgyes,
P. 1997. The non-native teacher.
London: Macmillan.
Scott, M. 1997. Wordsmith tools manual. Version 2.0. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.